Specialised Te Reo Magareva Localisation

Drawing on the Picpus dictionaries and on later fieldwork, our lexicographers maintain a controlled vocabulary for Te Reo Magareva. The list fixes a preferred headword over its recorded variants and cites the authority for the choice. A university project and an island commission then quote the agreed ruling. Two bibliographies compiled a decade apart converge.

The commune of Gambier, a territory of four inhabited islands, generates its own naming habits for districts and reefs. Territorial services in Papeʻete spell those places by French convention, sometimes from a survey sheet drawn up under the mission. Because that sheet predates the modern cadastre, a map legend and a title deed disagree over a bay. The Huri concordance pairs the administrative spelling with its vernacular counterpart.

There is no dialect atlas for the Gambier. Speaker numbers have fallen too far for the zone mapping used in larger archipelagos. Rikitea usage therefore becomes the practical point of comparison. A pupil from Akamaru pronounces a district name differently from a classmate at the mairie school. An adviser logs that outer-island variant, recording the elder who confirmed it.

Because a ministry has already tagged the file in French, the indexing downstream follows its codes. Our terminologists add the Magareva equivalent as a second field, leaving the ministerial version untouched for retrieval and for audit. Huri does not overwrite a client string.

Vowel length is phonemic in Te Reo Magareva. A macron dropped from a headword yields a different lexeme. The glottal stop, written with the ʻokina at U+02BB, counts as a full letter of the alphabet. Typographers substituting a straight apostrophe corrupt the entry and defeat a search across the corpus.

Writing the velar nasal as g gives Magareva, the island spelling. Comparative scholarship prefers ng and gives Mangareva. House policy divides them. The g belongs to vernacular prose, and the ng, to citations of the wider literature. A cross-reference in the index links a bibliography to the pair.

While listening for the older stratum, elders separate Marquesic inheritance from two centuries of Tahitian contact. The phonetic notes mark a term of that origin in a doctrinal or juridical text needing the earlier word. Editors in Rikitea confirm the judgement. The apparatus credits the elder by name.

A homily and a screening notice, texts at opposite ends of the formal scale, ask for different Magareva. Our specialists listen for the oratory of the pulpit at the upper end and the talk of the table at the lower. An elder hears condescension in a badly pitched sermon. The project file states the level chosen and adds the reason in a line of commentary.

Into the archipelago with the test programme came French technicians and their vocabulary. Dosimetry and thyroid ablation have no inherited names, the concepts postdating the mission grammars by half a century. Our glossary gives a descriptive phrase for a patient audience and treats the French term as the clinical usage for a physician. Doctors rotating through the infirmary bring a private shorthand, reconciled against the published nomenclature.

The loi Morin and its committee fix a lexicon of narrow scope. Treating maladie radio-induite as a plain description mistakes an administrative label for a diagnosis. A Huri entry retains the statutory sense together with the article conferring it. A loose paraphrase alters the petitioner’s claim at the hearing.

After a panel of elders has refused a formulation twice, it drops off the candidate list. Screening campaigns ask for lay wording acceptable to speakers over sixty, tested at the commune secretariat in Rikitea. A refusal enters the log under its date. The log shows the date and the panel members.

An auditor must be able to check the vernacular formula against its French source. A risk statement drafted for a French court needs to be intelligible to a Magareva speaker of eighty. Huri issues a bilingual proof, the French article number repeated beside the Magareva formulation. The auditor initials the pair at the foot of the page.

Archaeology in the Gambier names quarries and house platforms. Excavation literature borrows those labels from Marquesic and Hawaiian usage for places with no recorded Magareva word. The Huri concordance separates a genuine local item from a borrowed convenience. Once a stray designation appears in print, it outlives the excavation. A later fieldworker traces the term to its first publication.

It is the Bishop Museum monograph that records the ʻAkariki lineages underlying much of the genealogical terminology still cited. A functional gloss like king imposes a European model of succession. However, the ethnology defines the rank from Mangarevan testimony. Huri keeps the Magareva form as the headword, following the practice of our Marquesan translation specialists for the neighbouring branch.

Geochemists match Gambier adze stone to Hiti Au Revareva and to ʻEiao in the Marquesas. Those reports circulate in English. A Huri bilingual index pairs the geological label with the district name in use on Mangareva. A cataloguer missing that pairing credits the wrong island.

The spellings divided between the mission books and the modern cadastre, a toponym can appear in two shapes of equal warrant. The Huri gazetteer collects the forms under a head entry and dates the earliest attestation. A source note follows the dated form. Surveyors in Papeʻete and archaeologists abroad then quote the string.

Janeau’s grammar and dictionary of 1908 is still the fullest published description of the language. Its orthography predates present convention. Several glosses take the doctrinal colouring of the period. Our editorial apparatus flags those entries without silent modernisation. A researcher sees the 1908 spelling and the current convention in the head of the entry.

The diocese, present since the first decades of the Congregation of the Sacred Hearts, has fixed the catechetical vocabulary. Missionaries built the words for grace and sacrament as calque and loan, drawing on no pre-contact source. Huri notes the older expression displaced by the borrowing, if the ethnology attests it.

Mixing close observation with the polemic of a missionary administrator, Laval’s chronicle of ancient Mangareva leaves a seam through the Magareva passages. Historians quoting it need that seam marked. Our annotation separates reported speech from authorial commentary and prints the manuscript foliation in the margin. A thesis then quotes the passage and attributes the judgement to Laval.

To fit a Magareva word to a hymn line takes a syllable count as well as a theological gloss. A Huri specialist supplies the syllable arithmetic. A translator without the count picks a synonym of the wrong length. The choir stumbles at the third verse.

European museums list Gambier carvings under nineteenth-century French designations. Idole and fétiche describe a collector’s view of the carving. The catalogue entry proposes the vernacular form and cites the ethnology record supporting it. A curator challenged by a descendant association has the source to hand. The catalogue record ends with the volume and the page.

What a repatriation file uses is the ownership language of the civil code. Community claimants speak instead of descent and custodianship. Our terminology mapping lists the points of divergence for a registrar preparing a transfer agreement, which becomes an annexe to the deed. Curators in Europe and representatives on Mangareva then argue from a shared text.

Indivision, the undivided-title regime of the territory, keeps an estate in common until a partition. Co-indivisaire and tribunal foncier appear untranslated throughout the notarial file. Our advice puts a Magareva gloss in the margin and leaves the French heading as the operative wording. A mistranslated heading voids the sense of a partition schedule.

Spelling by ear, priests of the mission period wrote a lineage name three ways across two volumes of the church books. Those spellings went out of use a century ago. A concordance collects them under a head entry and cites the volume and folio for a claimant appearing at the hearing. Notaries accept the pairing as evidence of identity between the variants.

Orthography marks duration and articulation only in part. Magareva voice tracks fill the remainder, cut from oral-history interviews and from terminology validation panels. Speakers raised on the island say the entries aloud for the corpus. A sheet in the archive records the speaker and the date.

It is standard practice that a research corpus encodes the glottal stop at U+02BB and treats vowel length as a combining diacritic. Our transcripts observe the convention. A substituted apostrophe breaks a concordance query and hides the token from the scholar who needs it. A header line names the encoding.

Tahitian intonation audible in speakers under forty, our studio notes flag the trait for a producer choosing a voice. A producer picks between two sample takes at the console. Elders over seventy supply the older phonetic pattern for a heritage collection, booked through the commune secretariat.

Huri deposits its Magareva recordings with the Voice Recording Services hub, alongside the archival material of the wider Pacific. Researchers in Auckland draw on that archive for comparative Polynesian study. A deposit returns as an archival master, its Magareva transcript time-coded against the audio.

Lexicographic advice belongs with Supporting Language Revitalisation, taking a controlled vocabulary out to teachers and to the community committee approving it. A school orthography review and a dictionary project then quote that head form.

Designation disputes go to Cultural & Intellectual Property, pairing a carving’s Magareva title with the descent group entitled to grant it. A museum label and a claim letter cite a shared authority.

Clinical naming follows Health Literacy, grading a radiological expression for a lay audience while the technical term remains in the entry. Inheritance terminology answers to Customary Law & Statutory Integration, reconciling a mission genealogy with the code enforced from the capital.

A database treats the ʻokina as punctuation by default. Under that default an exported list scatters the head forms. Our collation rule ranks the character as a letter of the alphabet. A reviewer in Rikitea then checks the sorted proof.